This assortment demanding situations the tendency between students of historical Greece to determine magical and spiritual ritual as together specific and to disregard "magical" practices in Greek faith. The participants survey particular our bodies of archaeological, epigraphical, and papyrological facts for magical practices within the Greek international, and, in each one case, confirm no matter if the conventional dichotomy among magic and faith is helping in anyway to conceptualize the target beneficial properties of the proof tested. individuals comprise Christopher A. Faraone, J.H.M. Strubbe, H.S. Versnel, Roy Kotansky, John Scarborough, Samuel Eitrem, Fritz Graf, John J. Winkler, Hans Dieter Betz, and C.R. Phillips.
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Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (London, 1957), 641-42. 251. Hippol. Refutation IV. 28 (Miller, cols. 3090-91). 252. Brian Vickers, advent to Occult and medical Mentalities within the Renaissance, ed. Brian Vickers (Cambridge, 1984), 1-55, esp. three, following Charles Schmirt. 253. Fowden, Egyptian Hermes (seen. 186), seventy nine with n. 19, 162-65, 168. 6 goals and Divination in Magical Ritual Samson Eitrem while he died at age ninety-three on July eight, 1966, Samson Eitrem, professor emeritus of classical philology at Oslo college, left an unfinished manuscript of over 700 pages entitled Magie und Mantik der Griechen und Romer, written for the popular Handbuch der Altertumswissenschqft.
Nine (Kuhn [see n. 11], XJJ:202); Celsus, Med. V. I. Pliny, ordinary historical past, XXXVI. 131. 243. while released, GMPT vol. II (see n. 221) will comprise separate indexes of crops, animals, and so forth. 244. PGM XII. 401-44, trans. H. D. Betz and John Scarborough (with a few clipped observation) in GMPT, (see n. 221), 1:167-69. 245. PGM IV. 1313 ("priestly Egyptian incense" as trans. W. C. Grese in GMPT [see n. 221], 1:63); as PGM IV. 2971 (see n. 224); PGM V. 221 (transliterated through E. N. O'Neil as kyphi [GMPT 1:204]); PGM VII. 538 ("sacred incense" as trans.
3625); the suitable parts of the Greek textual content look in DT, pp. cxxii-iii. forty three. E. g. , Versnel, in chap. three, means that the long-standing debate over the presentation of the Cnidian capsules is a purple herring of varieties. He issues out that we've got sufficient examples of either publically displayed and secretly buried curses opposed to unknown thieves and criminals to teach that both approach used to be appropriate; i. e. , an important functionality of those is they be dropped at or within reach the homestead of the deity, the place it serves as a "legal" cession to the god of both the to blame get together or the stolen estate.
DT 141—44 and 153 are written in Latin and aren't integrated in my reckoning. the following and in terms of the binding curses came upon at Hadrumetum opposed to charioteers and people chanced on at Carthage opposed to venatores (discussed lower than) my separation of Greek and Latin texts came upon on the related position and courting to a similar interval is absolutely synthetic, when you consider that they're the entire fabricated from an analogous social atmosphere. fifty six. There are 13 Greek examples from Carthage (DT 234-44 and SGD 138-39); from Hadrumetum (DT 285, SGD 144); one from Lepcis Magna in Libya came across buried within the beginning gates of the circus (SGD 149); one from Damascus (SGD 166); and one from Beirut (SGD 167), which curses the horses of the blue faction.
Kalinka (see n. 48), no. fifty six. For translations, see Houwink ten Cate (see n. 48), ninety three and T. R. Bryce, AnatSt 31 (1981): 86. The which means of the verb (qasttu) isn't yes; see Bryce, ibid. , 88 (to strike/punish? ). fifty two. A. N. Oikonomides, ZPE forty five (1982): 115-18 (SEG XXXE, no. 1612). fifty three. J. and L. Robert (BE : no. 280) appear to recommend a provenance from Lycia. Artemis Ephesia had a temple at Ephesus and possessed territory within the Caystrus valley in Lydia; see R. Merig et al. , Die Inschriften von Ephesos VII, pt. 2 (Bonn, 1981), 296.